Taboo words are the words indicating taboo concepts or the gained negative load in society. Most taboo words and euphemism lose their negative and positive meanings in the course of time. Among the signs of the effects of culture, values and beliefs of society on language are taboo words. Here we are going to study the relation of language and society in order to follow some linguistic changes. We inductively study the how and the why changes in some taboo words of some semantic fields. The results show that social attitudes, cultural taboos and prestige are the reasons of changes.

This study introduced the linguistic taboo and its variants and also examines the Persian colloquial taboo words among men and women living in Tehran and the differences in how they use taboo words. The main objective of this study is to classify the taboo words in terms of lexical fields and the differences between the way women and men use these taboo words. In addition to the factors of sex, other social factors, such as functional context, have been studied in relation to the use of linguistic variables (taboo words). The statistical sampling of this study is taken from of 500 men and women living in Tehran. The study proved that men tend to use more taboo words in their colloquial conversations.  It is also found that the use of taboo words is different between men and women in terms of lexical fields, but it does not have a significant difference in terms of functional context.

The belief in word power in Larestan gave rise to creation of euphemisms for taboo words. The paper aims at studying and analyzing taboo words and euphemisms in groups of Lari dialects. Taboo words are first classified and their euphemisms are given. The changes of the words through history are discussed. Dysphemism changing euphuisms or ordinary words into taboo ones are too discussed.

Language, as a means of communication, is continually influenced by our society, which is why the reflection of social variables in our everyday speech is inevitable. Among different social factors, sociolinguistic researchers have extensively investigated the correlation between “gender” and linguistic categories to examine the language features of men and women. Lakoff & Bucholtz (2004) suggested that women’s speech is characterized by linguistic features such as precise color terms, polite forms (e.g., indirect requests), tag questions, and empathic stress. In this regard, Holmes (2013, p. 308) claimed that many of the features identified as the characteristics of women’s language are positive politeness devices expressing solidarity.Politeness and “taboo words”, on the other hand, have been the focus of many sociolinguistic researches, such as Jay (2009), Batisttella (2005) and Wardhaugh’s (2006). Jay (2009, p. 156) claims that both “gender” and “age” can affect word choice and frequency; men swear more frequently in public than women. As for age, the swearing rate peak in the teenage years and declines thereafter (Jay, 2009, p. 156). The present research aims to conduct a gender- and age-based study of “taboo words” in the everyday speech of Persian-speaking men and women and to answer the following questions:How does “gender” affect the frequency and use of “taboo words” in the everyday speech of Persian speakers?How the “age” of Persian speakers affect the use of “taboo words”?Which types of “taboo words” do Persian speakers use in their speech?

Most researchers who have studied differences between the genders in language usage believe that women use language more correctly than men. For this reason, it has been argued that the use of taboo words cannot be considered as a quality of female speech. A considerable amount of research is carried out to see whether sociolinguistic factors, such as education and age, affect the use of taboo words.The main objective of the present study is to investigate different linguistic behaviors in Tehrani Persian-speakers, with a focus on the differences in the applications of types of taboo words, the frequency of their usage, the effects of social context on the choice of such words, the addressee, and the incentives for or inhibitions on the use of taboo words. Three main variables were in focus: gender, two age groups (19-29 & 30-40), and education. The methodology consisted of the collection of taboo words which were later used in three different contexts (exclusively female, exclusively male, and combined context). Fifteen taboo words were selected from recorded cassettes and included in the questionnaires. The findings demonstrated that: men use more taboo words than women; there exists a specific taboo word for men, and that both men and women at higher age use male specific taboos less frequently. The findings also showed that women with higher education attempt to be more polite, and that selection of typical addressees for using male-specific taboos is done discriminately in both age groups in males, who use them when addressing males.

In recent years, interdisciplinary studies in Literature and Linguistics have gained momentum, particularly focusing on topics such as “masculine literature,” “feminine literature,” “masculine writing,” and “feminine writing,” which have captured the attention of researchers. These studies primarily explore the relationship between language and gender. Within this context, the analysis of linguistic features related to gender becomes instrumental in the stylistic examination of women’s literary works, especially novels. This research investigates the linguistic disparities in terms of prominent lexical components between female and male characters in the novels of Daneshvar and Arastui using a descriptive-analytical approach. The main research question is as follows: How do linguistic differences between women and men manifest in terms of lexical components within the narrative structure of Daneshvar’s and Arastui’s novels? The findings indicate that the language employed by female characters in the narrative contexts of these novels differ in terms of vocabulary and idiomatic expressions from that of male characters. While some lexical parameters correspond to Lakoff’s linguistic features, others deviate from them. As all four novels are penned by women and revolve around female experiences, there is a notable prevalence of women-specific vocabulary. Another characteristic of women’s language in these novels is the utilization of precise and detailed imagery, along with inclusion of multiple color words. The female characters of both novelists, influenced by their lack of confidence resulting from patriarchal societies, employ more hedges, intensifiers, and approximations. Additionally, they opt for polite language in their conversations, avoiding the use of taboo words and oath words, which reflects linguistic structures used by cautious and subordinate speakers.

The research attempted to discover the norms of translating taboo words and concepts after the Islamic Revolution in Iran using Toury’s (1995) framework for classification of norms. The corpus of the study composed of Coelho’s novels between 1990 and 2005 and their Persian translations which were prepared and analyzed manually to discover the norms. During both the selection of novels for translation and the process of translating by translator norms were at work. It was also discovered that the translators of the novels complied with the target language norms, i.e. the translators had attempted to produce acceptable translations. Regarding preliminary norms, the research suggested that the translation policy was based on popularity of the author that could guarantee the salability of translations. The frequency of the norms suggested that euphemism with 37.87 percent was the dominant norm in translating taboo words and concepts. The frequency of the norms in each of the books, as well as their frequency in the entire corpus was measured and presented in tables and discussed. Finally, it was found out that the dominant ideology in Iran was a determining factor in the process of decision making by the translators.

Religion in the ancient world was based on three principles: magic and its relationship with religion and science; Totemism and the social aspect of the first religion; Fertility and herbal rituals. Magic is a force that arises from the influence of words that are read aloud or in the form of a song, and man can act on spiritual beings through words and Special movements affect nature and establish this basic influence, which is called magic. Sometimes magic includes negative orders, i.e. prohibitions; Negative magic is taboo and anything that causes fear and anxiety in the heart is called taboo. The name taboo is based on fear. Just as one can do malicious magic with a person, his body parts or his shadow, if they have a person's real name, they can also do it with his name. It has a wide cultural and geographical spread, and it still remains intact. Even if it is not completely like the past, but its traces can still be seen in the modern world. The considerations that still exist among today's societies regarding names, are they not the remnants of the name taboo and prohibitions that existed regarding names?

This study investigated if learning a foreign language like English, French or Arabic was effective on the learners' use of first language (Persian) taboos in their daily written and spoken discourse. More than the possible effect of learning a foreign language, the gender of learners, the language they were learning and the semantic domain to which the employed taboos belonged were scrutinized. To this end, a control group (46 Iranians unfamiliar with foreign languages) and three experimental groups (advanced learners of English, French & Arabic) were selected randomly and recruited for a researcher-made questionnaire and a set of Persian speaking and formal/informal writing tasks. Participants believed that language learning affects L1 taboo words usage; this was attested in their oral and written productions. It was found that control participants and Arabic learners had the highest and the lowest rate of taboo words usage, respectively. Moreover, participants used more taboos in their written than spoken productions. The absolute forbidden words and neutral taboo words were the most common semantic domains for English/French and Arabic learners, respectively. Male participants used more taboos compared with females while English and Arabic learners had the highest and the lowest taboo usage rates, respectively.

When studying mystical texts, the reader finds out that along with mystic's loving relationship with God, which is characterized by resort, absorption, submission and, finally, destruction, there is another relationship, which appears to be irrespective of the holy and unholy sanctum. Coexistence of these two opposites confuses readers of mystical texts. Investigating the quotes and actions of ten famous Islamic mystics – from Rabe‘eh to Rumi –, the present study examines the types, manifestations and reasons of taboo-breaking in mystical texts. In mystical texts, taboo breaking exists in two forms: "denial of distance" and "fighting the medium" in respect to the holy and unholy. It includes various topics such as sense of union with God, expressing equality with God, fasting and praying, Satan, etc. A deeper search for causes of taboo-breaking indicates that although some instances taboo-breaking or mystic’s impudence seem to be a protest against the distortion of values, in most cases it is the result of the mystic's intimacy with God. Therefore, it is not in contradiction with his submission to Him.